The global trade union movement is the largest democratic civil society institution in the world. Unions around the world are connected by formal institutional ties, organised on a regional, sectoral, and global basis. The British Trades Union Congress (TUC), representing 5.5 million workers via 48 affiliated trade unions, is a member of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), which brings together 207 million members across 68 countries. We are part of the Global Unions Group, which includes the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD (TUAC) and the Global Union Federations (GUFs), which organise trade unions on an international sectoral basis.
The struggles for decent work in the UK and around the world are interconnected. Our democratic structures connect trade unions in the Global North and Global South, facilitating sharing of policy knowledge, experience, and expertise. Unions therefore have a unique role in international development. Our approach is underpinned by solidarity, promoting social justice, decent work, equality, and respect for human and labour rights. It supports achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and facilitating a Just Transition for workers as part of the Paris Climate Agreement.
We recognise that international development takes place in the context of huge structural power imbalances between the Global North and Global South, which are legacies of colonialism that persist through decision and policy making in international institutions – and we are committed to advocating for reform. Crucially, unions are the legitimate representative organisations of working people, reflecting their aspirations, and translating their concrete material needs into collective action for change. Attempts to pursue international development ‘from above’ without reference to decent work and the self-organisation of working people is liable to failure, and even to produce perverse results. This is evidenced by the well documented impacts of unsustainable debt and ‘restructuring’ policies imposed on developing economies by International Financial Institutions (IFIs). Instead, trade unions advocate an approach to development based on the principle of international solidarity and promoting decent work for all.
The International Labour Organisation (ILO), an arm of the United Nations, defines ‘decent work’ as:
“Opportunities for work that is productive and delivers a fair income, security in the workplace and social protection for families, better prospects for personal development and social integration, freedom for people to express their concerns, organize and participate in the decisions that affect their lives and equality of opportunity and treatment for all women and men.”1
According to the ILO, the rights to Freedom of Association and collective bargaining are fundamental enabling rights for decent work.2 Decent work is identified by the presence of full and productive employment, respect for rights at work, social protection, and social dialogue. Social dialogue means that trade unions are recognised social partners in policy making and standard setting, along with government and business.
This briefing begins by describing the global socio-economic context for international development. It then sets out the issues which have a significant impact on the lived reality of workers in the Global South – denying them decent work and the opportunity to live in dignity. We include examples of TUC project work that is helping to build the capacity of sister centres and promote gender equality. Finally, the briefing highlights the importance of social partnership in ending poverty and makes policy recommendations to promote inclusive and sustainable international development.
According to the UN, “Inequality is growing for more than 70 per cent of the global population, exacerbating the risks of divisions and hampering economic and social development.”3
The UN has also highlighted that the coronavirus pandemic has exposed and widened gender and economic inequalities.4
These are linked to the underlying structural weakness of developing economies – particularly, inadequate physical infrastructure and lack of public sector capacity in healthcare, education, and social security.
The health and financial crisis brought about by the pandemic has also had a direct impact on working patterns, inducing mass layoffs and the driving down of pay and conditions. This is exacerbated by the endemic prevalence of a large informal economy within some low and middle-income countries, where workers are least likely to be covered by labour rights, collective bargaining agreements, or have minimum wages, and therefore are even more vulnerable to economic shocks.
The presence of these large structural inequalities means that the impact of the climate crisis is being felt unequally, with developing economies suffering first and suffering worse as a result of rising sea levels, loss of biodiversity, desertification, and extreme weather.5 The United Nations Association-UK (UNA-UK) notes that climate change amplifies existing gender inequalities, and its impacts will affect the livelihoods and wellbeing of women and men differently. These impacts will be felt particularly in relation to agricultural production, food security, health, water and energy resources, and climate-induced migration, for example.6
Structural inequality also conditions the gendered division of labour.7
Women are overwhelmingly more likely to experience direct or indirect discrimination at work; be the first workers to be pushed out of the labour force in a crisis; most likely to have greater responsibility for unpaid care and domestic work; and to experience violence at home or work (see page 5-6). As a result of all these factors, women are also more likely to be reliant on the availability of quality public services.
Analysis by the UN shows that some of the sectors hardest hit by the pandemic are feminised sectors, such as accommodation and food services - characterised by low pay, poor working conditions and a lack of basic protections like sick pay and family leave. Women are losing their livelihoods faster because they are over-represented in such sectors and often hold less secure jobs than men. UN Women have estimated that around 435 million women and girls will be living on less than $1.90 a day — including 47 million pushed into poverty, as a result of Covid-198
and in 2018/19, the ILO found that globally, women continue to be paid approximately 20 per less than men.9
International development and access to decent work therefore requires a gender transformative approach, facilitated by respect for the right to freedom of association and enforced by robust collective bargaining structures with the full and equal participation of women workers.
Trade unions, by strengthening the bargaining power of workers, are crucial to reversing this trend towards inequality. They also are key partner for the Just Transition10
necessary to ensure the global shift away from fossil energy, and the resultant winding down of fossil fuel dependant industries, does not result in a global crisis of unemployment and deprivation.
The crisis of inequality has been decades in the making and stems directly from the central macroeconomic assumptions informing the process of neoliberal globalisation. According to the United Nations Committee for Trade and Development (UNCTAD), since the 1980s the share of national income going to labour has decreased in all regions and in almost every country, while the profit share has correspondingly increased. This redistribution of income seen in developed and developing countries highlights a race to the bottom in labour costs.11
The causes include wage suppression, the erosion of social security, growing market concentration, and decreasing unionisation rates. Attacks on trade union rights work alongside economic liberalisation in the developing world, entrenching the unaccountable power of global finance across both spheres.
The result has been a loss of economic sovereignty in the Global South. Access to international capital for low- and middle-income economies has been dependant on strict economic conditionality imposed by IFIs.12
In practice this has meant economic ‘restructuring’ imposed on debtor nations by creditors, promoting austerity, privatisation of state assets, and an a priori preference for private financing.
In 2018, the UN Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt wrote that:
“Austerity-related labour law reforms have been promoted by international financial institutions on the assumption that they will lead to economic growth and thus prevent or help overcome debt crises. These reforms include measures that restrict collective bargaining, reduce minimum wages, eliminate limits on working hours, expand the use of precarious employment contracts and facilitate dismissals. In doing so, governments and international financial institutions have frequently contributed to an increase in inequality and insecure and informal employment; fostered discrimination in the labour market towards women, youth, older persons and individuals belonging to marginalized social groups; and resulted in the reduction of job-related social protection.”13
According to the World Bank, debt in emerging and developing economies reached US$55 trillion in 2018.14
This is a result of the ‘scissors effect’ created by increased borrowing costs for poorer countries and falling incomes from commodities. The impacts of the debt crisis cannot be overstated. Analysis shows that in 2020, 64 low-income countries spent more on external debt repayments than on healthcare,15
and the IMF’s own research estimates that that low-income economies lose about US$200bn a year in corporate tax revenues due to tax havens, dwarfing what they receive in aid.16
The economic conditionality imposed by IFIs is packaged as necessary for ‘modernisation’ and growth. Because of the emphasis on private financing for international development, conditionality often promotes foreign direct investment (FDI). However, research shows that developing countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa and low-income countries, do not have the absorption levels required to benefit from foreign investments.17
Even when FDI is absorbed, the core/periphery relationship between advanced economies in the Global North and basic commodity-producing economies in the Global South is often entrenched.
The IFIs have promoted their vision - ‘billions to trillions’ - intended to mobilise, catalyse and crowd-in private investment to bridge the gap between the billions available through Official Development Assistance (ODA) and the trillions needed to achieve the SDGs. However, compelling evidence points to this model of ‘maximising finance for development’ being fundamentally flawed.18
Such schemes have consistently failed to deliver desired outcomes for the productive economy and must therefore no longer go unchallenged.19
The UK, as part of the international community, has committed to meeting the SDGs by 2030.20
SDG 8 is ’to promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth with full employment and decent work for all.’21
Without achieving SDG 8 on decent work, other goals become unattainable, for example: No poverty (SDG 1), quality education (SDG 3), good health and wellbeing (SDG 4), gender equality (SDG 5), reduced inequalities (SDG 10), and climate action (SDG 13). All are dependent on the availability of good, secure employment opportunities with minimum living wages.
Drawing on our own experience, and supported by research from the UN and ILO, trade unions have identified several fundamental barriers to creating decent work.
These barriers include:
The TUC works closely with our affiliates on international development and takes part in international social dialogue through our work at the ILO and working alongside NGOs. We also take part in direct solidarity actions with sister union centres around the world, participating in campaigns and advocacy, and supporting global unions in their diverse and, sometimes, existential struggles.
In addition, the TUC works in partnership with sister centres through TUC Aid 39 to build trade union capacity. Recent examples of successful partnerships include:
Support for trade union organisation creates a virtuous cycle in development terms. Given a supportive legislative environment, trade unions become self-perpetuating, self-financing organisations. Many barriers to decent work can be immediately and powerfully mitigated through support for trade union organising at a workplace level, even in the relative absence of effective regulation or state enforcement. However, wider social rights are also brought within reach by the strengthening of trade unions as social partners, allowing unions to fulfil their role upholding, expanding, and defending social rights like access to healthcare and education.
As part of the global trade union movement, the TUC is calling for a new social contract which includes the creation of decent, climate friendly jobs, respect for rights at work, equal opportunities, and inclusion.43
Reform on this scale implies change to the global economic architecture and that policy coherence across development, trade,44
supply chains, 45
and climate,46
is key to achieving sustainable development, equality, and decent work for all.
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