This report was commissioned by the TUC and delivered by Human Future Agency to provide a comprehensive and first-of-its-kind overview for the union movement of how far-right and Reform UK adjacent narratives spread across major digital platforms in 2025; who is spreading them and who is engaging with them; and how we can use this solid evidence base to test innovative digital-first strategies for disrupting these far-right pathways and winning over key target audiences. Because exposure to these pathways is more likely to drive support for policies and behaviour that damage workers and wider solidarity, building support for alternatives can help support union organising and policies that enhance workers’ rights and build cross-community solidarity. Research was comprehensive, drawing on social media data, search trends, social listening, and using tools like Modash, GA4, in-app insights and more.
The findings from this report lay the foundation for a longer-term research project to understand how we can move audiences who are persuaded or tempted by far-right messages. We will disseminate insights to our affiliated unions, looking at effective messaging and how to deploy these messages on digital platforms and beyond.
A note on defining ‘the far right’
There is no one set definition. The TUC sees “the far right” as an umbrella term that encompasses individuals and organisations who create policies and leverage narratives for their own gain that broadly are nationalist, anti-democratic, racist, misogynistic, homophobic, transphobic and ableist.
These groups and individuals’ political outlook are more extreme, hardline and divisive than those of the centre right of the mainstream political spectrum.
Beyond the umbrella term, the far right can be split into two subgroups: the radical and extreme right. Our work is focussed on the anti-worker policies and positions adopted by far-right parties and activists in the UK.
As far-right presence and influence online and offline grow sharply, it is crucial to understand how these messages are spread and received in digital spaces.
This report serves as the first digital mapping of the far right from the union movement perspective, with the aim of directly supporting unions. By strengthening understanding in this area, it seeks to enable more coordinated and strategic responses, and to contribute to building a genuine, compelling alternative to the far right.
Insights: a snapshot
Overall, influence is shaped less by individual messages and more by exploiting the algorithms, messenger networks across the US and UK, and repeatedly blaming minoritised communities instead of giving real answers. Attention is often triggered by mainstream events, while interpretation is shaped within influencer-led spaces that tend to reward outrage and simplification.
Recommendations: a snapshot
We are uniquely placed to build an effective pushback against far-right narratives online. This report will delve deeper into each of the following eight recommendations, which serve as the starting point for this work:
Unions can and should play a more effective and active role in pushing back against online narratives by understanding how these narratives develop and spread. Beyond engaging within the same platforms where these discussions take place, like YouTube, unions need voices that these audiences find trustworthy and credible.
The insights in this report are designed to empower affiliates to take clear, strategic action that can impact how our progressive values are shared and amplified online. In the run up to the general election, it is crucial that trade unions can articulate our vision clearly – there has never been a more important time to understand the tools far right actors use online and take decisive steps to counter their reach.
The research phase of this project analysed approximately 28,400 publicly available social media data across major platforms. We looked at post titles, captions, and user reactions to understand how far-right-adjacent issues are discussed online in the UK. This should be treated as a focused sample of platform discourse in 2025.
Analysis was based on keyword sets and phrases aligned with the policy areas and worldview dimensions identified in the Hope Not Hate survey (e.g. border control, economic pressure, trust in institutions, public order, and cultural change). The full dataset is not available publicly, but please get in touch if you’d like more information.
It’s important to note that some far-right discourse is not captured in this dataset, as more extreme discussion often occurs in closed or private spaces (such as private Telegram groups or encrypted channels) beyond the reach of social listening tools. As a result, extreme sentiment is likely under-represented and more research in this area would be valuable. Despite this underrepresentation, content referenced throughout the report reflects hostile or inflammatory views and should be read with appropriate caution.
The analysis identified several recurring themes shared by online accounts.
Most content related to migrants and the asylum system, with complaints about and lack of trust in public institutions following closely.
Even though traditional media is often what draws our attention to an issue when big news breaks, influencers and online communities on social media are where stories reach more people, as influencers drive engagement through emotionally charged “ragebait” content. Algorithms reward content that gets more clicks and shares by pushing this content out to more people, meaning there’s less space for nuanced or balanced viewpoints because this type of content doesn’t typically get rewarded.
Far-right movements are very good at using these online spaces to further their own aims and have exploited this platform strategy and the way algorithms work. Beyond algorithms favouring ragebait, people are encouraged to make their own content and spread it quickly. This often happens through anonymous accounts, which helps expand the reach of stories. This presents a challenge to progressive groups, who typically have less capacity and budget for creating content or expertise in how to make the most of platform strategies to react effectively and efficiently. The values that progressive groups hold also mean we would not use the same tactics to exploit the algorithms with ragebait.
In this imbalance, harmful narratives can spread easily, while positive messages struggle to get the same level of attention or impact. However, there is also an opportunity to work within the algorithm and flood the space with worker voices alongside impactful social-first content. And by reprioritising digital communications and campaigns and skilling up progressive organisations in how to make the most of the platforms we’re engaging with, we can level up and have significant influence.
Analysis has also shown a common pattern in how issues are amplified on social platforms. It speaks to how actors are responsive to niche news or news coming from traditional media, and how they are operating within a network of influencers – sharing and building on each other’s content. This pattern helps us understand the opportunities to break the pathway or to replicate in ethical ways.
We define institutional voices as the voice of an organisation or movement speaking from a recognised social role, with a claim to legitimacy and public responsibility. This is based on Douglass North’s definition of institutions. The Edelman Trust Barometer tracks trust across institutions such as government, business, media and NGOs and paints a picture of institutional scepticism, grievance and fragmentation. Ipsos Veracity 2025 found that 45% of Brits trust trade union officials to tell the truth, down from 49% in 2024. British Social Attitudes also found that trust and confidence in Britain’s system of government is at a record low.
The December 2025 spike in coverage of Nigel Farage’s allegations of racism illustrates the dynamic of institutional mistrust and how it reinforces far-right support clearly. Although mainstream reporting was overwhelmingly critical, online reactions were often supportive or dismissive of the allegations.
This reflects a broader pattern of institutional distrust, where condemnation by the media or legal system is reframed as evidence of persecution, mirroring U.S. culture-war logics.
When audiences assume bias in media and public institutions, institutional criticism can reinforce far-right narratives rather than weaken them. Framing communications as “anti–far right” may further entrench this effect, as it signals an oppositional boundary and encourages audiences to interpret messages through a lens of hostility.
This means that direct rebuttal, particularly from institutions, can have the opposite of the intended effect. Messages are judged less on their content and more on who is perceived to be delivering them. Progressive organisations should therefore be wary of thinking a message has landed well just because there’s been a good reaction in traditional media; instead, look further and examine how this is landing on social media spaces and through target audiences’ interactions and comments.
In 2025, over a quarter of all content captured on far-right channels and topics originated in the US. This creates convergence around themes such as free speech, institutional distrust, and identity politics.
Overall, the far-right’s online presence is best understood as a fragmented but strategically aligned ecosystem. It spans hardline conservatism, populist anti-establishment politics, and ethno-nationalist positions. These strands differ ideologically but converge around shared enemies and grievance-based framing.
The growing overlap between UK and U.S. influencer ecosystems is most stark on YouTube, where video “recommendations” or suggestions for what to view next and cross-posting surface high-reach American culture-war content to UK audiences.
This shows us that the ecosystem operates as a connected network shaped by shared narratives, platform dynamics, and cross-border influence, rather than central coordination. This can be a helpful way to understand how we can develop informal partnerships around shared policies or beliefs and understand that our campaigns will be more effective if we focus our work on each fragment and issue, rather than treating far-right channels and influencers as fully whole or the same. It also highlights the need to build cross-border partnerships with our U.S. counterparts to build early warning systems for identifying trending narratives that may soon be prevalent in the UK.
Economic insecurity, such as low wages, unemployment and high rent, is a frequently referenced issue, yet is rarely connected to a need for strong worker rights or advocating for progressive union values.
Instead, economic insecurity is condensed into simplified blame narratives. Influencers commonly blame material pressures on targets such as migrants, liberal elites, or the “woke left.”
These messages are effective because they offer clear and emotionally resonant explanations of hardship, allowing people to make sense of economic strain without engaging with more complex structural causes.
This highlights a gap that unions could work with. Economic insecurity is central to how people feel, but it is rarely linked to actual solutions, leaving space for other actors to define both the problem and the blame. Trade unions have the solutions, and with impactful campaigning and resources, we can move audiences effectively into more progressive spaces.
There are a range of influencers and channels that spread far-right messages which have high levels of engagement:
Below is a summary of high-profile channels.
| Channel | Platform | Core age | Subscribers/ followers |
| Russell Brand | YouTube | 25-54 | 6,500,000 |
| GB News | TikTok | 18-34 | 3,300,000 |
| GB News | YouTube | 35-64 | 2,000,000 |
| Paul Joseph Watson | YouTube | 18-44 | 2,000,000 |
| Triggernometry | YouTube | 25-54 | 1,600,000 |
| Talk TV | YouTube | 35-64 | 1,380,000 |
| Nigel Farage | lnstagram | 25-54 | 980,000 |
| Talk TV | TikTok | 18-34 | 630,000 |
| GB News | lnstagram | 35-64 | 600,000 |
| Tommy Robinson | YouTube | 25-54 | 600,000 |
| Dan Wooton Outspoken | YouTube | 25-54 | 600,000 |
| Douglas Murray | lnstagram | 30-64 | 490,000 |
| Nigel Farage | YouTube | 35-64 | 450,000 |
| New Culture Forum | YouTube | 35-64 | 380,000 |
| Turning Point UK | YouTube | 18-34 | 345,000 |
| Turning Point UK | lnstagram | 18-34 | 223,000 |
| Leo Kearse | YouTube | 25-54 | 160,000 |
| Laurence Fox | YouTube | 35-64 | 150,000 |
| Katie Hopkins | YouTube | 35-64 | 90,000 |
Not everyone shaping public opinion online is doing so from an obvious political position. Some of the most influential figures are those who appear apolitical on the surface, yet their voices shape how people think and talk about key issues – like Russell Brand.
But influence isn’t just about follower numbers. There’s often a gap between how influential someone seems and the actual reach they have - we might believe certain commentators are major players, but their real audience is limited, take Katie Hopkins for example. That gap reminds us that influence isn’t reserved for the few with the highest followers. Each of us, in our workplaces and communities, can have a voice that matters, particularly where we have higher trust, personal relationships and credibility.
Beyond this, many online influencers move quickly from one topic to another, chasing attention rather than communicating a consistently clear set of values. Often, their motivation is profit (the more your content is viewed, the more you can earn in advertising revenue) or visibility over genuine conviction or belief about the issue they’re talking about. Our task is to cut through that noise and build influence founded on principles, solidarity, and the shared values that underpin the trade union movement.
Audiences the actors are reaching have been mapped onto the Hope not Hate ReformUK supporter segmentation, to provide a framework that can be replicated by other organisations.
Of the audiences covered above, three are naturally more aligned to worker issues: working right, reluctant reformers, and contrarian youth. As with any piece of work, it’s important to prioritise an initial set of target audiences and develop creative and testing, but in a limitless world the optimal approach is to have substantial budget to create testing plans that have the potential to reach all target audiences. Part of the tactical approach is to consider worker issues and progressive union values beyond what organisational accounts can do.
Before we develop content to reach specific audiences, it’s crucial to understand how each audience group interacts online, to build a picture of their pressure points and understand them better. Through this, unions can map how, if any, audiences overlap onto their existing audiences, recognising that some unions will be naturally better placed to speak to those than others.
Influencer outreach is a vital part of ongoing work to combat the far-right online. In the age of peer to peer news, they must now be viewed as its own channel of influence and campaigns, a vital part of the softer brand work for progressive organisations to build audiences. This can range from worker content creators, lifestyle or cultural influencers, and micro influencers who have a smaller but more invested audience base. This is especially important when we look at different audiences and who unions might struggle to reach or have low trust in, such as the contrarian youth segment who are likely to see unions as ‘establishment’.
Based on these findings, the following approaches are suggested:
As listed in the recommendations, there are a myriad of ways we can test pushing back effectively, but key here is the willingness to test iteratively and lean into the content creator space, as opposed to seeking perfection each time and relying only on branded organisational accounts for all audiences. We know that one messenger will not speak to every audience group. Instead of looking at digital content homogenously, we need to embed strategic campaigns and varying creative that we test among specific target audiences.
We know that we have the tools needed to campaign effectively but often struggle with resources and guidance. This report helps unions fill in the gaps to develop campaigns to meet the moment and go further.
We know that unions can do this work, but it can be hard without the insights, budget and capacity. This is why it’s important to start conversations around resource and budget, and how we can work together to share learnings. We need to start seeing ourselves building an ecosystem rather than acting alone and recognising that one comms person will not be able to match the output of the far right.
This report is part of a longer-term digital strategy project. The next phase involves testing different interventions that may disrupt the pipeline that far-right audiences may be taken on, starting with testing pre-roll ads to inoculate against far-right channels, and developing a network across US and UK union movements.
Insights from this testing will form the basis for a follow-up report and workshops with unions on how to take the recommendations forward. In the interim, we have started to apply these insights already, by building networks of workers who can speak compellingly to their peers, giving workers the skills and confidence to create content that challenges far-right narratives online. Additionally, we are exploring creator vs institutional voices as effective messengers for key target audiences identified for the movement (women aged 25-40 and young people in the private sector).
If you are interested in the insights from the report or would like to book a briefing with the TUC on how to apply insights, please contact unityworks@tuc.org.uk.
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